[D]ie Eule der Minerva beginnt erst mit der einbrechenden Dämmerung ihren Flug


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    Slavoj Žižek Monitor and Punish? Yes, Please!

    Many liberal and Leftist commentators have noted how the coronavirus epidemic serves to justify and legitimize measures of control and regulation of the people that had been till now unthinkable in a Western democratic society. Is the total lockdown of Italy not a totalitarian’s wet dream come true? No wonder that (at least the way it looks now) China, which had already widely practiced modes of digitalized social control, proved to be best equipped for coping with catastrophic epidemics. Does this mean that, at least in some aspects, China is our future? Are we approaching a global state of exception? Have Giorgio Agamben’s analyses gained new actuality?

    It is not surprising that Agamben himself drew this conclusion: he reacted to the coronavirus epidemic in a radically different way from the majority of commentators. He deplored the “frantic, irrational, and absolutely unwarranted emergency measures adopted for a supposed epidemic of coronavirus” which is just another version of flu, and asked: “Why do the media and the authorities do their utmost to create a climate of panic, thus provoking a true state of exception, with severe limitations on movement and the suspension of daily life and work activities for entire regions?”

    Agamben sees the main reason for this “disproportionate response” in “the growing tendency to use the state of exception as a normal governing paradigm.” The imposed measures allow the government to seriously limit our freedoms by executive decree: “It is blatantly evident that these restrictions are disproportionate to the threat from what is, according to the NRC, a normal flu, not much different from those that affect us every year. /…/ We might say that once terrorism was exhausted as a justification for exceptional measures, the invention of an epidemic could offer the ideal pretext for broadening such measures beyond any limitation.” The second reason is “the state of fear, which in recent years has diffused into individual consciousnesses and which translates into a real need for states of collective panic,for which the epidemic once again offers the ideal pretext.”

    Agamben is describing an important aspect of the functioning of state control in ongoing epidemics. But there are questions that remain open: why would state power be interested in promoting such a panic, which is accompanied by distrust in state power (“they are helpless, they are not doing enough…”) and which disturbs the smooth reproduction of capital? Is it really in the interest of capital and state power to trigger a global economic crisis in order to reinvigorate their reign? Are the clear signs that not just ordinary people, but also state power itself is in panic, fully aware of not being able to control the situation – are these signs really just a stratagem?

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    Max Horkheimer and The Sociology of Class Relations

    The value of this text requires some comment. There is of course the intrinsic worth of Horkheimer’s essay, and its relevance to one of the monuments of Western Marxism. What draws this text into the space of nonsite.org’s concerns is the intersection of union organization—what Horkheimer critically elaborates here under a general theory of “rackets”—and Marxism. To say unions and Marxism share a tense history is an understatement. Even a passing glance at Lenin’s What is To Be Done? indicates how centrally trade unions figured as an internal enemy to the Marxist cause. Horkheimer follows in this tradition in some large part. By the time Lenin came to write “Left-wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder in 1920, an essay devoted to the strategic art of compromise, he had altered, or substantially inflected, his view of the trade union movement as well as parliamentary politics. At this moment the Supreme Court is poised to offer yet another in a long series of blows against unionization in the United States. To what extent did and do Leftist thinkers contribute to the current assault on unions? To what extent can and should Marxism resist this tendency?

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    Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, Jean-Luc Nancy, Roberto Esposito, Sergio Benvenuto, Divya Dwivedi, Shaj Mohan, Rocco Ronchi Coronavirus and philosophers

    Faced with the frenetic, irrational and entirely unfounded emergency measures adopted against an alleged epidemic of coronavirus, we should begin from the declaration issued by the National Research Council (CNR), which states not only that “there is no SARS-CoV2 epidemic in Italy”, but also that “the infection, according to the epidemiologic data available as of today and based on tens of thousands of cases, causes mild/moderate symptoms (a sort of influenza) in 80-90% of cases. In 10-15% of cases a pneumonia may develop, but one with a benign outcome in the large majority of cases. It has been estimated that only 4% of patients require intensive therapy”.
    If this is the real situation, why do the media and the authorities do their utmost to spread a state of panic, thus provoking an authentic state of exception with serious limitations on movement and a suspension of daily life in entire regions?

    #filozofia #koronawirus
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    Slavoj Žižek What I like about coronavirus

    ‘Europe is approaching a perfect storm,’ he says, before asking whether I’d seen ‘that stupid movie about that fishing boat?’

    ‘The movie with George Clooney. It was called The Perfect Storm. You know what’s the definition of “perfect storm”? When calamities, like a tornado here and storm there, unite and then their unification multiplies their effect,’ he explained. ‘I think that Europe is now approaching a perfect storm.’

    One of those calamities, according to Žižek, is the coronavirus.

    ‘I don’t get it, even what’s happening here. All official proclamations begin with, “No cause for panic, don’t panic”, and then all that they tell you is reasons to panic,’ he said, before noting that both the health and economic consequences of the coronavirus could cause severe damage to Europe.

    ‘If you add to this a possible new wave of refugees you get the perfect storm, and I think that Europe is so weakened that it will not be able to react in a unified way, and that’s what I mean when I say coronavirus gives a new chance to communism,’ he said. ‘Of course, I don’t mean the old-style communism. By communism, I mean simply what the World Health Organization is saying. We should mobilize, coordinate, and so on…like, my God, this is a dangerous situation. They’re saying this country lacks masks, respirators, and so on. We should treat this as a war. Some kind of European coordination…maybe even wartime mobilization. It can be done, and it can even boost productivity.

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    Sady Doyle A Country for Old Men

    For most of my life, I was bored by electoral politics. The issues that mattered most to me—sexual freedom, reproductive freedom, the right to live outside of patriarchal gender norms—were fought on the ground, in the culture, day-to-day. Elected officials either ignored those issues or paid lip service to them, the better to bargain them away for something “more important” later. I believed that representation was the best, or only, shot at improving the situation; if our leaders were women, they might actually care about “women’s issues,” but America’s idea of “a politician” always looked like an elderly white man, who, at best, said something like “my wife is smarter than I am” at the debates. Those men didn’t care about me, so I didn’t care about them; I showed up, voted blue, and didn’t get invested in any one guy.

    There were moments when my apathy wavered—I was excited about Obama in 2008, went hard for Hillary in 2016, and let my hope flutter back to life in 2019, when an unprecedented number of Democratic women declared presidential runs. Now, thank God, that hope is dead. I can finally go back to being bored by electoral politics, because no matter who the next president is, it will be an elderly white man.

    The debate over which Democratic man to endorse rages on. Some will tell you that, if you want any chance at progressive policy, you’ve got to get behind Sanders, and try to either forgive or overlook the misogyny and racism and abuse that have been deployed in his name. He’s far behind Biden, so a vote for Sanders may be less about electing him than it is about making the Democratic Party heed the voices of progressives. Others will say that Sanders alienates even people who agree with him, would alienate most of the country in a general election, and that keeping him in the race will only make the primary longer and more bitter; if you want a winner, rally behind Biden, and try not to grind your teeth when he speaks.

    As for me, if neither candidate is a feminist victory, then I don’t care who loses; what matters is not rallying behind any one man, but extracting maximal value from them both. I’m no longer looking to fall in love with a candidate. What I want is a sugar daddy; some gullible, vote-craving old fool who will keep me in furs and jewels and pledges to overturn the Hyde Amendment and institute a system of universal childcare and abortion on demand. If you, too, are tired of hoping, I invite you to join me here, where it’s easier: on Team No One.

    Jeśli ktoś wątpił w możliwość uchwycenia fenomenu PMC (Professional Manegerial Class) i feminizmu głównego nurtu medialnego (które to fenomeny nieuchronnie zawitają do Polski z pełną mocą ze względu na jednostronny transfer idei z kraju odmawiającego drzewiej płacenia podatków Koronie Brytyjskiej, choć pewnie nieco zniuansowane przez choćby kwestie rasowe, lecz to też nie jest pewne ze względu na kserokopiarskie zwyczaje panujące w podatnych środowiskach [1,2]) tak ten tekst jest jak spirytus bezwodny do zrozumienia właściwości etanolu. Biały amerykański liberał bez względu na płeć ustanawia się jako podmiot uniwersalny choć partykularną własną tożsamością gardzi, a co umożliwia mu wygłaszanie stanowisk obowiązujących pomimo pozorowanej uniżoności, a szukać nie trzeba daleko w przeszłości, ponieważ już Ryszard Dyer opisywał podobne zjawisko [3, str. 3,4].

    Problematyczność tego rodzaju stanowiska wynika z kilku rzeczy, z których fetyszyzacja różnicy i tożsamości jako punktów wyjściowych jest najistotniejszą (inne to: estetyka ponad polityką, reprezentacja ponad programem, odrzucenie programów powszechnych jako nieodpowiadających na potrzeby kobiet/mniejszości et cetera) – w takim przypadku, wulgarnie rzecz formułując, prezydentka dekretująca wysyłanie dodatkowych dronów (oczywiście te mają być sterowane przez kobiety, a najlepiej Kolorowe transkobiety) na Bliski Wschód jest działaniem feministycznym i zwycięstwem kobiet, w przeciwieństwie do podniesienia płacy minimalnej i zapewnienia powszechnej opieki medycznej przez białego starca krzyczącego na kobiety w trakcie debat.

    (Nota bene: Nagonka przeciwko Sandersowi przypomina tę przeciwko Obamie, gdzie Bernie Bro zastąpił Obama Boya [4], choć efektywnie rozwiązania Bernarda są diametralnie różnie, i bardziej korzystne dla społeczeństwa, niż te Baraka.)

    Dla Doyle liczą się małe gesty, a nie faktyczna transformacja, co jest bliźniaczo podobne do działań aktywistek Black Lives Matter w trakcie poprzedniej kampanii [5]. Jak Adolf Reed Młodszy wskazywał – program Sandersa jest efektywnie skierowany do Czarnych [6,7], a wiele kwestii jak reparacje są subwersją i odciągają od istoty problemów współczesnych Afroamerykanów [8]. Dla pewnego grona istotniejsze jest odrzucenie gendered language [9] niż faktyczne dążenie do celu w postaci efektywnego zdobywania poparcia i wprowadzania własnej wizji organizacji społeczeństwa.

    Jeśli debata o ochronie zdrowia w SZA dalej będzie wyglądać tak jak w trakcie transmisji ABC News [10], to Demokraci osiągnęli wszystkie cele Doyle – mówić, mówić i mówić.

    1. https://konfront.dk/et-hvidt-tryghedshold-kalder-den-hvide-del-af-venstrefloejen-ind/
    2. https://oko.press/45-tysiecy-osob-w-paradzie-walczymy-o-siebie-o-naszych-przyjaciol-o-nasze-dzieci-relacje-pieknych-uczestnikow-zdjecia/
    3. Richard Dyer White: Essays on Race and Culture (1997)
    4. Przykładowo:
    - https://www.salon.com/control/2008/04/14/obama_supporters/
    - https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/northamerica/usa/2022398/US-Elections-Barack-Obama-has-lost-women-with-sexist-campaign.html
    5. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p2iMM7m12zE
    6. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10624-017-9476-3
    7. https://newpol.org/adolph-reed-sanders-coates-and-reparations/
    8. https://nonsite.org/editorial/the-case-against-reparations
    9. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ryJteQTPBlU
    10. https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/democrats-gear-abc-news-debate-houston-front-runners/story?id=65390001

    #amerykawybiera2020 #polityka #wybory #bekazlewactwa #feminizm
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    Adolph Reed Jr. Push for Racial Justice Beyond Race Alone

    Political scientist Preston H. Smith II described these twenty years ago as the ideals of racial democracy, “the view that all racial groups should have proportionate access to and enjoyment of all social goods,” and social democracy, the principle that “all individuals regardless of class should have equal enjoyment of all essential social goods.”

    Each is legitimate as an ideal of a just society, and, as Smith shows, for the middle third of the twentieth century, they were compatible and often mutually reinforcing. When movements against racial exclusion and discrimination and movements for egalitarian redistribution overlapped, when the same individuals and organizations were involved in each, there was no pressing need to parse potential divergences and areas of conflict between them.

    The 1944 volume, What the Negro Wants, edited by Howard University historian Rayford Logan, is a good illustration of the broadly shared commonsense view that the two ideals of social justice were naturally compatible, if not symbiotic. Logan’s volume collected perspectives from black civic elites across the ideological spectrum, from radical to conservative, who opined on what they considered the most pressing issues and opportunities, problems and prospects for black Americans in the rapidly approaching postwar years.

    Even the most conservative bootstrappers agreed in a matter-of-fact way that continued expansion of federal social wage policy and CIO-style industrial unionism were necessary conditions for the continued advance of black Americans’ pursuit of justice and equality, as well as progress in the struggle against discrimination and racial exclusion.

    #bernie2020 #lewactwo #usa #polityka
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    Slavoj piše lepo:

    There is another possibility: a different reading of Hegel’s dialectical process itself, not as the model of “subject-appropriates-substance.” Already decades ago, in the early years of modern ecology, some perspicuous readers of Hegel noted that the Hegelian idealist speculation does not imply an absolute appropriation of nature. In contrast to productive appropriation, speculation lets its other be; it doesn’t intervene into its other. As Frank Ruda pointed out,[7] Hegel’s Absolute Knowing is not a total Aufhebung – a seamless integration of all reality into the Notion’s self-mediation. It is much more an act of radical Aufgeben – of giving up, of renouncing the violent effort to grab reality. Absolute Knowing is a gesture of Entlassen, of releasing reality, of letting it be and stand on its own, and, in this sense, it breaks with the endless effort of labor to appropriate its otherness, the stuff that forever resists its grasp. Labor (and technological domination in general) is an exemplary case of what Hegel calls “spurious infinity,” since it is a pursuit that is never accomplished because it presupposes an other to be mastered, while philosophical speculation is at ease, no longer troubled by its Other.

    What such a reading of Hegel implies is that Hegel’s dialectics cannot be reduced to a total sublation of all contingency in the self-mediation of the concept. This brings us back to ecology: Saito opposes Hegel, since Hegel is, for him, the very model of the negation of the autonomy of nature. Does Hegel’s Idea not stand for a productive process, which no longer needs to rely on a metabolic exchange with otherness but reduces every otherness to a subordinate moment of the Idea’s self-mediation? But if we accept our reading of Hegel, then Hegel not only tolerates but demands that we allow the irreducible otherness of nature remain other. This respect for the contingency of nature means that we should avoid the trap of reading ecological catastrophes as signs which point in an unambiguous linear way towards a final catastrophe.

    Precisely insofar as we should take ecological threats extremely seriously, we should also be fully aware of how uncertain analyses and projections are in this domain. We will know for sure what is going on only when it is too late. Fast extrapolations only give arguments to global warming deniers, so we should avoid at all costs the trap of “the ecology of fear,” a hasty morbid fascination with doom and catastrophe. Only a thin line separates the correct perception of real dangers from the fantasy-scenarios about a global catastrophe that awaits us. There is a specific kind of enjoyment of living in the end times, in the shadow of a catastrophe, and the paradox is that such a fixation on the forthcoming catastrophe is, precisely, one of the ways to avoid really confronting it. To maintain a minimum of credibility, such a vision has to cling on to any bad news that come along: a melting glacier here, a tornado there, a heat wave somewhere else. They are all read as signs of a forthcoming catastrophe…

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    Wojsław o odwróconych sylabach, brutalnie radzący uzmi pare [1], jasno wskazał inspiratora szkalunku [2] uruchomionego przez naczelnego CA [3].

    1. https://youtu.be/mGC3uJadXh0?t=295
    2. https://youtu.be/WdYNIJBBZsY?t=2567
    3. https://www.wykop.pl/wpis/46187529/paradrama-1-2-zostala-zamknieta-3-1-https-www-wyko/

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    Jeśli CA ostatnio wypłynęło na wody antyIDPolu [1], tak należy spokojnie usiąść i zastanowić się, czy poza hatefuckingiem [2] i gloryfikacjami Warren [3] pozostaje jeszcze jakiś element rzeczywistości w którym brakuje utyskiwania i potoku słów? Okazuje się, że tak. I to „tak” jest przeróbką Flussa narzekania [4] na wieloakapitowe wykazywanie się brakiem uczciwości intelektualnej [5]. Tekst jest przykładem jak się wysilić, by nic nie osiągnąć.

    1. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DirAIkDJ7H8
    2. https://www.currentaffairs.org/2019/06/who-goes-nazi-office-edition
    3. https://www.currentaffairs.org/2019/09/sanders-and-warren-need-a-pact
    4. https://jacobinmag.com/2018/02/jordan-peterson-enlightenment-nietzsche-alt-right
    5. https://www.currentaffairs.org/2019/10/what-is-zizek-for

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    Gdy zapis szeptu „zawróć do Napoleona!” [1, str. 4] przeanalizować dokładnie i uaktualnić, nieuchronnym będzie dojście do wniosku o konieczności powrotu. Powrót jako pojęcie jest rozległym, a przez to znajduje się w wielu semiotykach, a jednak w kontekście praxis wyłania się pewny zwrot, albo raczej orientacja, ku rozpoczęciu od początku — oczywistym równolegle jest odrzucenie nostalgii wszelkich, które to nie mają właściwych desygnatów im przypisywanych [2, str. 65-66] a istnieją ahistorycznie kolonizując teraźniejszość [2, str. 67], a co Freud określał „Just as mourning impels the ego to give up the object by declaring the object to be dead and offering the ego the inducement of continuing to live, so does each single struggle of ambivalence loosen the fixation of the libido to the object by disparaging it, denigrating it and even as it were killing it” [3, str. 169], a co wymienione ugruntowują Marksowskie odrzucenie nostalgii jako zgubnej. Jeśli wracać więc, to do źródła postawionego na głowie, lecz z tą sprawną. Jak nauczał Hegel w Fenomenologii Ducha, tak pozostaje przytaknąć.

    Mając taką podbudowę polecam uwadze, nadwyrężonej, tekst Cedrica Johnsona [^^].

    1. http://www.orsza.nazwa.pl/images-media/wszystko-o-szkole/I-03-lektury/makuszynski-szatan-z-7-klasy.pdf
    2. https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/40d6/b702fa28fdd1802abfb1210e10f1fa36de42.pdf
    3. http://www.columbia.edu/itc/hs/medical/clerkships/psych/misc/articles/freud.pdf
    4. https://docer.pl/doc/vcsvnv
    ^^ → https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10624-017-9476-3

    #lewackikacikczytelniczy #fizolofia
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